【大澳门威尼斯人赌场官网11月15日讯】30多名来自美国、加拿大、欧洲和澳洲等地区的学者专家，星期一联合致函台湾总统马英九，表达对台湾司法公正、新闻自由、民主制衡及国家未来走向的关注。
美国之音消息，致函台湾总统马英九的信中指出，马英九政府的司法部门对前总统陈水扁司法案件的处理、包括审理过程中的瑕疵、办案人员明显缺乏中立和对扁政府任内官员的弹劾手段，显示了台湾司法的倒退、政治制衡力的退化。
信上援引国际人权组织，如自由之家和记者无国界的年度报告表示，台湾排名的退步，反映出了台湾民主和新闻自由已受到损害的事实。
联名信呼吁马英九总统和中国发展关系的过程必须公开、谨慎，任何与中国的协议都必须得到台湾人民的共识，此外，在促进和中国更密切的经济关系的同时，不要牺牲台湾的民主和人权。
信函的联署人包括前美国在台协会主席白乐崎、迈阿密大学教授金德芳、美国福尔摩沙基金会执行长贾泰丽、前美国传统基金会资深研究员谭慎格、英国伦敦政经学院教授休斯、前加拿大国会议员大卫‧乔高以及澳洲蒙纳许大学教授家柏等。
公开信中、英文原文：
马总统钧鉴:
在过去一年来，来自美国、加拿大、亚洲、欧洲、澳洲等的一群包括我们在内的国际学者，几度公开向贵政府表达我们对台湾目前的一些发展和走向的顾虑及关心。
2008年十一月六日及十二月二日，在致贵法务部长王清峰的信件中，我们特别指出有关台湾司法倒退、制度上的瑕疵以及行之于在野党成员的司法追究之滥权。
今年一月二十一日和五月二十一日，我们特撰两封公开信给您马总统，明确表达我们对司法公正、新闻自由及民主制衡的关切。新闻局长苏俊宾给我们的回复没有针对问题核心；我们也未见到贵政府拿出具体行动解决问题，令人深感遗憾。此后的一些后续发展——包括正面和负面的——再次激励我们向您表达我们的意见。
我们必须重申：我们之所以提出这些意见，是因为我们强力支援台湾的民主，并深深关切、在意并希望看到这个民主自由的国家得以持续茁长。我们也强调，我们不偏袒岛内任何一方的政治争议，而是完全着眼于台湾的国际形象及信誉。
有赖于台湾人民的努力和坚持，台湾在20年前开始转型成为一个民主社会。这项成就值得肯定，我们也坚信“民主”是台湾在建立并强化其国际关系上以及阻止外权干涉的最大的王牌。
我们相信您和我们有共识——台湾的民主幼苗能够成长茁壮，只有靠自由民主正义及人权的基本原则来培育，建立权责分明、公开透明的的政治制度。此认知亦符合您今年签署、经立法院核准的的两项联合国人权条款的内容和精神，希望能更进一步依照国际法律协会的建议制定为法律，在台湾实行。
在过去二十年，台湾在这些方面有相当的进步；也因为如此我们才会对台湾今日的司法倒退、政治制衡力退化及民主、新闻自由受损而深感失望。在国际人权组织，如自由之家及记者无国界等所发表的年度报告中，台湾的排名退步，恰恰反映了上述种种的负面发展。同样的，这些负面发展也受到其他国际学者及友台人士的关注，尤其是有关针对前陈总统司法案件的处理，包括审理过程中的瑕疵、办案人员明显缺乏中立，无数的侦察延期以及对前朝政府官员弹劾的手段。
为此我们再次诉请您确保司法公正、公平、公义。今天您的政府正把台湾带向与中国更密切的经济合作路上，建立在自由民主正义及人权基本原则上的权责分明、公开透明的政治制度更为重要。我们肯定降低台海的紧张关系，但要也强调台湾得来不易的民主及人权不容因此而被牺牲。
与对岸强邻关系改善的过程必须是公开的、审慎的、并遵循民主的过程，与立法院及在野党有完全沟通，对人民完全公开。我们欣闻贵政府官员公开表示：与中国的任何协议都必须得到国内的共识，以及为国际社会所接受。我们深信与中国对话的过程应会是公开的、咨询性的，并尊重台湾近二十年发展的民主传统为前提而进行。
我们在此强调，一个国家的成长及繁荣，其经济及政治关系必须保持国际多元化。但是与单一的邻国过度亲密，将迫使该国面临此单一邻国的不安稳所带来的风险，尤其当此邻国是一个藐视台湾民主成就的极权国家，此威胁更为严重。
马总统，我们以国际学者的身份观察台湾多年，支援并肯定台湾的民主成就，深信台湾有资格更加被国际社会接纳为平等的一员。要达到此目标，唯一的方式是台湾本身确保其民主成果，其主权、人权及基本自由有保障，社会民主更加巩固，台湾才有能力面对未来的挑战。
顺颂 钧安
2009年十一月六日
署名人（依英文姓氏排列）:
Nat Bellocchi白乐崎〔前美国在台协会主席〕
Coen Blaauw昆布劳〔美国台湾人公共事务会 〕
Gordon G. Chang〔“即将崩溃的中国”作者〕
Peter Chow周钜原〔美国纽约市立学院经济学教授〕
Stephane Corcuff〔法国里昂大学“中国和台湾研究”政治学副教授〕
Michael Danielsen〔丹麦哥本哈根“台湾一角”主席 〕
June Teufel Dreyer金德芳〔美国迈阿密大学政治学教授〕
Edward Friedman 〔美国威斯康辛大学政治学和东亚研究教授〕
Michael Rand Hoare〔英国伦敦大学退休副教授〕
Christopher R. Hughes 〔英国伦敦政经学院教授 〕
Thomas G. Hughes 〔美国前参议员斐尔国会办公室主任〕
Terri Giles贾泰丽〔美国福尔摩莎基金会执行长〕
Bruce Jacobs家柏 〔澳洲蒙纳许大学亚洲语言和研究教授〕
Richard C. Kagan柯耕义〔美国翰林大学教授历史系荣誉教授〕
Jerome F. Keating祈润夫〔国立台北大学副教授（已退休）〕
David Kilgour〔加拿大前国会议员、亚太国务卿〕
Andr□Lalibert□ㄔ[拿大渥太华大学政治学副教授〕
Perry Link 林培瑞 (美国普林斯顿大学东亚研究所退休教授〕
Daniel Lynch 〔美国南加州大学副教授〕
Liu Shih-Chung刘世忠〔美国布鲁金斯研究院客座研究员〕
Victor H. Mair〔美国宾夕法尼亚大学中国语言和文学系教授〕
Donald Rodgers〔美国德州奥斯丁大学政治学副教授〕
Christian Schafferer〔侨光科技大学国际贸易系副教授，奥地利东亚研究协会主任，“当代东亚”主编〕
Scott Simon 〔加拿大渥太华大学副教授〕
Michael Stainton〔加拿大多伦多York Center for Asia Research〕
Peter Tague〔美国乔治城大学法律系教授〕
John Tkacik谭慎格〔前美国传统基金会资深研究员及前美国务院台湾事务协调处官员〕
Arthur Waldron林蔚〔美国宾夕法尼亚大学国际关系学教授〕
Vincent Wei-cheng Wang王维正〔美国里奇蒙大学政治学教授〕
Gerrit van der Wees韦杰理〔台湾公报编辑〕
Stephen Yates叶望辉 〔 DC Asia咨询顾问团主席，前美国副总统国家安全政策顾问〕
以下是英文原稿
President Ma Ying-jeou
Office of the President
Taipei, Taiwan November 9th 2009
Dear President Ma,
During the past year a number of us, scholars and writers from the US, Canada, Asia, Europe and Australia, have publicly expressed to your government our concerns about a number of trends in Taiwan, as well as several specific developments. On November 6th and again on December 2nd 2008 in letters to Minister of Justice Wang Ching-feng, we focused on the issues of erosion of justice, significant flaws in the judicial system, and judicial abuses against members of the democratic opposition.
On January 21st and again on May 21st 2009, we addressed two Open Letters to you, Mr. President, expressing concern about the fairness of the judicial system, as well as erosion of press freedom and democratic checks and balances. We regret to say that the responses received from GIO Minister Su Jun-pin did not adequately address the issues raised, nor have we seen any substantive ameliorative steps taken to correct the problems.
Since then, a number of developments have taken place – some positive and some negative – which prompt us to write to you again to express our views on these issues. We wish to reiterate that we raise these points as strong international supporters of Taiwan’s democracy who care deeply about the country and its future as a free and democratic nation. We also emphasize that we do not take sides in internal political debates, but do have Taiwan’s international image and credibility as an international partner in mind.
Due to the hard work and perseverance of the Taiwanese people, Taiwan was able to make the transition to democracy two decades ago. We applaud this achievement and strongly believe that this basic fact, democracy, is the strongest card Taiwan can play in building and strengthening its relations with other countries around the world and the strongest protection against outside interference in Taiwan’s internal affairs.
We are sure that you would agree with us that Taiwan’s young democracy can only grow and prosper if it is nurtured through good governance, accountability and transparency based on the fundamental principles of freedom, democracy, justice and human rights. This would also adhere to both the letter and spirit of the two UN human rights covenants signed by you and ratified by the Legislative Yuan, and be enhanced by the implementation of these covenants into national law in accordance with the advice of the International Commission of Jurists.
During the past two decades, Taiwan has made major progress in each of these areas. It thus has been a disappointment for us to see an erosion of justice, a weakening of checks and balances in the democratic system, and a decline in press freedom in Taiwan. These trends are reflected in the significantly downward ratings Taiwan received in the annual reports of international organizations such as Freedom House and Reporters without Borders.
They are also reflected in the expressions of concern by international scholars and friends of Taiwan related to the flaws in the judicial proceedings against former President Chen Shui-bian and the apparent lack of neutrality in the continuing “investigations” and indictments of other prominent members of the DPP government. We thus appeal to you again to ensure that measures are taken to ensure the impartiality and fairness of the judiciary.
Good governance, accountability and transparency based on the fundamental principles of freedom, democracy, justice and human rights are all the more essential now that your government is moving Taiwan on a path of closer economic ties with China. We believe that a decrease of tension across the Taiwan Strait would indeed be welcome, but emphasize that this should not be done at the expense of the hard-won democracy and the establishment of human rights in Taiwan itself.
Thus, the process of improving relations with the large neighbor across the Strait needs to be an open, deliberative and democratic process, in full consultation with both the Legislative Yuan and the democratic opposition, and fully transparent to the general public. We are thus pleased to hear that officials of your government have stated that any agreement with China would need to have both a domestic consensus, including approval by the Legislative Yuan, and acceptance by the international community. We trust this process will be open and consultative in ways that respect the democratic traditions begun so promisingly two decades ago.
Indeed, we emphasize that a country can only grow and prosper if it has diversified ties – economically and politically – to other countries. Too close an embrace with one neighbor will expose that country to the risks of volatility in the neighboring country, in particular if that neighbor remains authoritarian and openly disrespectful of Taiwan’s democratic achievements.
Mr. President, we wish to emphasize again that, as international scholars and writers who have followed, supported and applauded Taiwan’s impressive transition to democracy, we feel strongly that Taiwan should be more fully accepted by the international community as a full and equal partner. This can only be achieved if Taiwan ensures that its achievements of democracy are safeguarded, that its sovereignty, human rights and fundamental freedoms are protected and that the democratic fabric of society is strengthened so the country is ready to meet the challenges ahead.
Respectfully yours,
1.Ambassador Nat Bellocchi, former Chairman of the American Institute in Taiwan
2.Coen Blaauw, Formosan Association for Public Affairs, Washington DC
3.Gordon G. Chang, author, “The Coming Collapse of China”
4.Peter Chow, Professor of Economics, City College of New York
5.Stéphane Corcuff, Associate Professor of Political Science, China and Taiwan Studies, University of Lyon, France
6.Michael Danielsen, Chairman, Taiwan Corner, Copenhagen, Denmark
7.June Teufel Dreyer, Professor of Political Science, University of Miami, Florida
8.Edward Friedman, Professor of Political Science and East Asian Studies, University of Wisconsin, Madison
9.Terri Giles, Executive Director, Formosa Foundation, Los Angeles
10.Michael Rand Hoare, Emeritus Reader at the University of London, Great Britain
11.Christopher R. Hughes, Professor of International Relations, London School of Economics and Political Science, Great Britain
12.Thomas G. Hughes, Former chief of staff to the late Senator Claiborne Pell (D-RI), Washington DC
13.Bruce Jacobs, Professor of Asian Languages and Studies, Monash University, Melbourne, Australia
14.Richard C. Kagan, Professor Emeritus of History, Hamline University, St. Paul Minnesota. Author, “Taiwan’s Statesman, Lee Teng- hui and Democracy in Asia”
15.Jerome F. Keating, Associate Professor, National Taipei University (Ret.). Author, “Island in the Stream, a quick case study of Taiwan’s complex history” and other works on Taiwan’s history
16.Hon. David Kilgour, former Member of Parliament and Secretary of State for Asia-Pacific (2002-2003), Canada
17.André Laliberté, Associate Professor, School of Political Studies, University of Ottawa, Canada
18.Perry Link, Professor emeritus of East Asian Studies, Princeton University
19.Liu Shih-chung, Visiting Fellow, The Brookings Institution, Washington DC
20.Daniel Lynch, Associate Professor, School of International Relations, University of Southern California, Los Angeles
21.Victor H. Mair, Professor of Chinese Language and Literature, University of Pennsylvania
22.Donald Rodgers, Associate Professor of Political Science, Austin College, Texas
23.Christian Schafferer, Associate Professor, Department of International Trade, Overseas Chinese Institute of Technology, Chair Austrian Association of East Asian Studies, Editor Journal of Contemporary Eastern Asia, Vienna, Austria
24.Scott Simon, Associate professor, University of Ottawa, Canada
25.Michael Stainton, York Center for Asia Research, Toronto, Canada
26.Peter Tague, Professor of Law, Georgetown University, Washington DC
27.John J. Tkacik Jr., former Senior Research Fellow, The Heritage Foundation, Washington
28.Arthur Waldron, Lauder Professor of International Relations, University of Pennsylvania
29.Vincent Wei-cheng Wang, Professor of Political Science, University of Richmond, Virginia
30.Gerrit van der Wees, Editor Taiwan Communiqué, Washington DC
31.Stephen Yates, President of DC Asia Advisory and former Deputy Assistant to the Vice President for National Security Affairs (//www.dajiyuan.com)
