【大紀元5月20日訊】海內外65名學人的公開呼籲（附英文譯本）。

實現政治和解，推進憲政民主

我們關於「六四」15週年的呼籲

今年的6月4日，是1989年「六四」事件15週年紀念日。15年前，政府出動軍隊和坦克，鎮壓了主要發生在北京的學生和市民示威請願活動，造成愛國學生和無辜市民的重大傷亡。這一慘劇，使上個世紀80年代末中國社會的民主化萌芽遭受重創，也使執政黨醞釀中的政治體制改革被無限推遲。長期以來，當年爭民主、反腐敗的學生和市民請願運動，被執政黨當局定義為一場「反革命暴亂」。並且，在當年舖天蓋地關於「平暴」的短暫宣傳之後，「六四」事件就從14億中國人的公共記憶、敘述和思考中被強行抹去。

直到今天，公開談論「六四」仍然是中國社會最大的一個禁區，是每一個公民內心抹煞不去的恐懼，和籠罩在全社會、也包括執政黨頭頂上的一個巨大陰影。六四慘劇，就像一顆子彈深嵌在社會的肌體內。深嵌在多少死難者、屠殺者、參與者、旁觀者和後來者的腦海中。無數父母面對自己的子女，無數教師面對自己的學生，無數作家面對自己的讀者，在這緘默的15年中，不斷遭遇內心的掙扎、躊躇、憤怒或麻木，不知是否應該以及如何表述這段歷史。如何在真相和恐懼之間，在個人良知和公共政治之間作出抉擇。

因為「六四」陰影，使個人良知和公共政治成為了一對反義詞。而對「六四」的強制性沉默和遺忘，15年來對這個社會的文明價值和心理健康，又再次構成一種持續和加劇的打擊。這是最可悲的一種現實。在當局刻意維持的「六四」禁忌之下，政治和解變得遙遙無期。而沒有政治和解，就不可能有真正的政治民主。在暴力罪行的威懾和負擔下，執政者也不可能擁有真正的開明。在這樣的陰影下，知識份子的道義勇氣也像沙漏一樣流失。當這個社會所有的父母、教師和一切知識份子都沒有勇氣在後代面前抗拒最大的一個政治謊言時，我們盼望的社會正義和良知，就失去了一個完整的立錐之地，失去了令人仰望的力量。

1995年，國內知識份子在長達6年的沉默之後，曾先後出現丁子霖、張先玲等「六四」死難者家屬聯名的《「六四」六週年致全國人大常委會公開信》；許良英、王淦昌等人《迎接「聯合國寬容年」，呼喚實現國內寬容》的公開簽名；劉曉波、陳小平等人題為《汲取血的教訓、推進民主與法治進程》的「六四」6週年呼籲書；以及王丹、林牧等人《關於保障基本人權、維護社會公正的建議》等。其中均要求為「六四」正名，並釋放政治犯。但政府卻在這一年的「六四」前夕，再次抓捕了劉曉波、黃翔、王丹、劉念春、陳子明等參與公開呼籲的人士。這一次鎮壓使「六四」的陰影再次被強化，全社會在恐懼下的沉默和遺忘達到了一個高峰。

此後，除了海外華人社會不懈的呼籲之外，每一年仍有極少數國內知識份子本著尋求真相與和解的勇氣，繼續發出聲音，要求平反「六四」，呼籲政治和解和寬容。如王東海等人1996年《就「六四」七週年致全國人大常委會的公開信》，及著名戲劇家吳祖光等人1999年的《為政治和解及民主改革致國人書》等。但在這些發出聲音的寂寞前行者中，歷年來仍不斷有人遭受著政府的打壓、逮捕和構害。同時他們也沒能夠得到國內知識份子更廣泛的支持和聲援。相反，包括我們在內的絕大多數國內知識份子，這15年來都程度不同地在這一事件上選擇了旁觀、迴避和獨善其身。程度不一地與公開發出聲音的所謂政治異議人士保持著審慎的距離。

藉助持續的國家暴力和言論禁錮，「六四」終於成為漢語中最恐怖的一個詞彙，成為全體中國人包括執政者在內一個無法克服的夢魘。人們被迫放棄真相，也就放棄了內心的平靜、道德的自信和做人的尊嚴。同時，「六四」鎮壓也扼殺了民間反對政治腐敗的勇氣和努力。因此90年代以來政府推行的市場化改革，在取得經濟成就的同時，也始終無法對權力的腐敗進行有效的制約。中國社會也逐漸成為了一個不健康的、缺乏起碼的政治安全感和道義價值支撐的社會。

今年「兩會」期間，在去年 SARS危機中因揭露政府隱瞞真相而廣受敬仰的蔣彥永醫生，再次發出一封致國家和政府領導人的公開信，以自己親身所見所聞，講述了「六四」事件的部份真相，以個人的名義為這些事實作證。同時「天安門母親」的代表人物丁子霖教授等124位「六四」難屬，也發出了致兩會全體代表、委員的公開信。上述兩封信均要求執政黨重新審定六四，公開承認和懺悔罪行。他們的勇氣贏得了我們共同的尊敬。作為一批華人知識份子，我們選擇在「六四」15週年來到之際，公開站在蔣先生、丁女士和一切有勇氣要求真相、尋求和解的人們一邊，並向社會公開表白我們對於「六四」事件的基本立場：

1、我們認為發生在1989年的學生和市民示威請願運動，是合法的和正義的。是在行使憲法上的遊行、示威以及和平請願的公民權利。當年執政黨動用軍隊進行鎮壓的決策是錯誤的，導致了政府對人民的戕害，這是執政黨及其政府犯下的嚴重的政治罪行。

2、我們不願再讓自己及我們的子女，繼續在這種政治陰影下沉默而屈辱的生存。我們不相信強制性的沉默和遺忘可以帶來和解，帶來政治民主的機會。因此我們呼籲一切愛國的知識份子、新聞媒體和社會公眾，盡一切的力量打破沉默，讓「六四」話題重歸社會公共空間。我們呼籲當局解除對「六四」的一切言論禁錮，讓每一個公民可以公開談論「六四」，反思和敘述「六四」，讓每一個孩子瞭解15年前的中國到底發生了甚麼。

3、我們要求全國人大依據憲法成立「六四」事件的特別調查委員會。要求政府公開當年的相關資料，挖掘真相。並在此基礎上為六四正名，為死難者致哀。要求黨、政、軍三方的主要責任者，最低限度應以書面、口頭和三鞠躬等莊嚴形式，向全國人民公開道歉。

4、我們最終主張政治和解和寬容，我們認為要求真相的目標不是同態的報復，而是以真相尋求和解，以和解促進民主。因為憲政民主制度歸根到底，就是一個以和解尋求政治認同，以妥協尋求權力制衡的政治體制。因此我們呼籲通過立法保護言論與新聞自由，保護公民的集會、遊行、示威和結社的自由。我們認為，政府只有放下歷史包袱，真正尊重人權，改變以往視言論為洪水，視民眾為仇寇的專制主義政治邏輯，才能徹底化解「六四」陰影，達成與人民的政治和解。也只有實現對「六四」慘劇的政治和解，才能為中國的政治制度帶來一個嶄新和健康的契機，成為我們國家邁向憲政民主、尋求和平崛起的起點。

最後，向所有「六四」死難者，表達我們遲來的敬意和哀悼。

簽名人（共65人 以姓氏拼音為序）:

大陸學人33名

包遵信 北 村 范亞峰 江棋生 郝 建 何永勤 劉曉波 廖亦武

梁曉燕 李 南 李 健 茅於軾 浦志強 秋 風 任不寐 師 濤

孫文廣 滕 彪 王俊秀 王治晶 王天成 王光澤 王 怡 徐友漁

徐 曉 余 傑 余世存 楊銀波 莊禮偉 趙 誠 趙達功 張祖樺

鄭年懷

海外學人32名

蔡 楚（美國） 陳破空（美國） 陳邁平（瑞典） 陳奎德（美國）

馮崇義（悉尼） 傅正明（瑞典） 郭羅基（美國） 黃河清（西班牙）

黃 翔（美國） 雨 蘭（美國） 胡 平（美國） 康正果（美國）

孔捷生（美國） 劉賓雁（美國） 劉國凱（美國） 廖天琪（德國）

林培瑞（美國） 馬 建（英國） 孟 浪（美國） 茉 莉（瑞典）

丘岳首（悉尼） 沉 彤（美國） 王 丹（美國） 王有才（美國）

伍 凡（美國） 一 平（美國） 于浩成（美國） 楊逢時（美國）

仲維光（德國） 張 裕（瑞典） 張偉國（美國） 鄭 義（美國）

2004-5-20

OPEN LETTER

An Appeal for Reconciliation and Democracy

on a Dark Anniversary: Tiananmen Square, June 4, 2004

The fifteenth anniversary of the events in Beijing of June 4, 1989 is approaching. Fifteen years ago, the government used armed forces and tanks to crackdown on the peaceful petition of students and residents in Beijing and other cities, causing the death of many innocent people. This tragedy greatly damaged the sprouts of democracy that had been planted in the post-Mao period. It also has postponed indefinitely the reform of China’s political system and ruling party. For a long time, the government used slogans to justify “June 4th” as a cracking down of “counter-revolutionary riots.” After years of crushing propaganda, “June 4th” – the “cracking down of the rioters” – apparently has been removed from the memory, discussion, and thoughts of 1.4 billion Chinese people.

Open discussion of “June 4th” remains the most extensively forbidden topic within Chinese society today. Those events are the terror that cannot be removed from our hearts, enshrouding all of Chinese society and fixing a dark shadow over the ruling party. The tragedy of “June 4th” is like a bullet lodged deep within the collective body of society. It’s profoundly set in the minds of the martyred and massacred, the participants and on-lookers, and to those who have come later. Mothers and fathers who have to face up to their sons and daughters, teachers who must confront their students, writers who must contend with their readers, all of us who in the silence of the past fifteen years have struggled, faltered, been angry and numb in our innermost hearts, and have not known whether or even how to talk about that fragment of our history. But, somewhere between truth and terror, and between individual conscience and public life, one must come to a choice.

The shadow of “June 4th” has paired individual conscience and public life into opposing counterparts. The coercive silence and memory lapse of the past fifteen years have caused unrelenting damage to Chinese society’s enlightened values and emotional welfare. This is a miserable reality. Given the authorities’ painstaking maintenance of the taboo against speaking out about “June 4th,” public and political reconciliation exist in a far-off and uncertain future. Yet without such public and political reconciliation, there will never be true democracy. The threat and burden of violence jeopardizes the possibility that the ruling party will attempt clarification and truth. Under this threat, the moral fiber and courage of China’s intellectuals are draining away like flowing sand. When parents, teachers and intellectuals throughout society do not have the courage to expose the biggest political lie to the next generation, the social justice and conscience that we had hoped for is lost. Truth is irrevocably lost.

After six years of coerced silence, Ding Zilin, Zhang Xianling and other family members of the victims came forward in 1995 with a jointly signed “Open Letter on the Sixth Anniversary of June 4th” to the Chinese National People’s Congress”; Xu Liangying, Wang Ganchang and others wrote “Welcoming the United Nations’ Year for Tolerance with an Appeal for Tolerance in China”; Liu Xiaobo, Chen Xiaoping and others wrote a letter “A Lesson Learned in Bloodshed: Why We Must Advance Democratic and Legal Reform”; and Wang Dan, Lin Mu and others wrote “Suggestions on Safeguarding Human Rights and Maintaining Social Justice”; among other appeals. All of these open letters marking the sixth anniversary of “June 4th” requested rectification of the “June 4th” legacy, specifically the release of political prisoners. Instead, right before that sixth anniversary, the government arrested Liu Xiaobo, Huang Xiang, Wang Dan, Liu Nianchun, Chen Ziming and others who had participated in the open appeals. This suppression only extended further the shadow of “June 4th” (and made a mockery of their peaceful dissent.) Once again, Chinese society was subject to forced silence and memory lapse with the threat of ultimate terror.

Nevertheless, following the example of these courageous writers, in addition to the frequent appeals of overseas Chinese communities, there still existed a small number of Chinese intellectuals at home who mustered the courage to seek truth and reconciliation, continuing to make their voices heard by demanding that the injustice of June 4, 1989 be redressed with political reconciliation and tolerance. Examples were Wang Donghai et al., “An Open Letter to the National People’s Congress on the Seventh Anniversary of June 4th” in 1996 and “An Open Letter to My Countrymen on Political Reconciliation and Democratic Reform” by the famous dramatist Wu Zuguang and others. Yet, these isolated individuals who dared to make their voices heard would go on to suffer government surveillance, arrests and punishment for many years. Their isolation was compounded by the fact that they did not have widespread support from intellectuals within China. On the contrary, over the past fifteen years, the majority of intellectuals – including some of us – chose to be on-lookers, avoiding “June 4th” for their own safety or maintaining a careful distance from the more outspoken dissidents.

The government’s continued tyranny and prohibition of freedom of expression have caused “June 4th” to become the most taboo words in the Chinese language. This nightmare is crushing the ruling party, and all of Chinese society. People have been forced to relinquish the truth, and thus to relinquish their peace of mind, faith in morality, and personal integrity. At the same time, the suppression of “June 4th” strangled the courage and energy of civil society’s opposition to political corruption. During the 1990s, the market reforms implemented by the government – though able to achieve economic successes – in the end have been powerless to systematize effective mechanisms to control the system from corrupting itself. Chinese society thus has gradually become an unhealthy society that lacks necessary fundamental political confidence and moral support.

While the National People’s Congress (NPC) and Chinese People’s Political Consultative Conference (CPPCC) were in session this year, Dr. Jiang Yanyong, a widely respected physician who exposed the government’s cover-up of the SARS epidemic last year, came forward again to expose China’s ills. Dr. Jiang wrote an open letter to China’s leaders, describing his eyewitness account of the “June 4th” event, guaranteeing the truth with his reputation. Similarly, Professor Ding Zilin, representative of the Tiananmen Mothers organization, with 124 victim families, wrote a public appeal to all members of the Standing Committee and representatives of the NPC and CPPCC. Both letters requested the ruling party to confront the truth of “June 4th” by publicly acknowledging and confessing their crimes. The courage of Jiang Yanyong, Ding Ziling, and their supporters has earned our respect. With the fifteenth anniversary approaching, we choose to stand with Dr. Jiang, Professor Ding and all others with the courage to seek truth and reconciliation. We publicly proclaim our views of “June 4th”:

1. We believe that the student and citizens’ peaceful demonstration and petition in 1989 were legal and just. It was an exercise of the constitutional rights of citizens to protest and demonstrate, and to peacefully petition the government. The ruling party’s decision to deploy armed forces to suppress this movement was a mistake, and resulted in the government’s slaughter of its own people. This is the most serious political crime committed by the ruling party and its government administration.

2. We are no longer willing to allow ourselves and our children to continue to live with the shame of this government’s imposed silence. We don’t believe that forced silence and memory relapse will bring about reconciliation or democracy in public life. Therefore, we appeal to committed intellectuals, news media outlets and the public to unite our strength in breaking the silence and allowing the words “June 4th” to enter public discourse. We appeal to the authorities to remove the prohibitions against speaking of “June 4th” and to allow each citizen to openly discuss, think about, and tell the story of that time, so that every child will understand what happened in China fifteen years ago.

3. We demand that the National People’s Congress use their constitutional powers to establish a special commission to investigate the events of “June 4th”. We demand that the government declassify the relevant documents of the event in order to unearth the truth. Further, based on this foundation for reconciliation, we must mourn for the dead. We demand that those responsible for the actions taken on “June 4th” in the Party, the government and armed forces openly ask for forgiveness of the people in written and oral statements, and bow their heads three times to the dead.

4. Finally, we advocate reconciliation and tolerance. Our demand for truth is not an exercise in revenge, rather we earnestly desire reconciliation and through that process of reconciliation, to advance democracy. In the end, constitutional democratization is a process by which the government legitimates a political system of checks and balances. Therefore, we appeal for the approval of legislation to protect freedom of expression and freedom of the press, and to protect freedoms of assembly, protest, demonstration, and association. We believe that the government must deal honestly with this burden of the recent past, and truly respect human rights. It must disassemble the authoritarian logic that regards freedom of speech as a storm and the public as an enemy. Only, only if the reconciliation between people and the government is carried out can there be the promise of democracy.

Lastly, we pay our belated respects and condolences to the martyrs of June 4, 1989.

Signers of the petition, etc.

2004/5/20@

(//www.dajiyuan.com)